And never mentioned the leftist shooting at Republican congressmen practicing at a ball park and almost killing Steve Scalise, an a dude caught near Justice Kavenaugh's (sp?) house with the intent to kill him (had a gun with him).
Trump Assassination attempt
- Thread starter Bansh88
- Start date
Realbadlarry
Well-known member
- May 6, 2021
- 2,003
- 2,419
They were probably one of the outlets that said he hurt himself when he fell onstage.........
LegitDuner
Well-known member
- May 5, 2021
- 1,689
- 2,111
ChEFF
Forum Moderator
- May 1, 2021
- 14,680
- 8,810
@Rorschach I was quoting Brandon about the AR's. I'm a firm believer in the 2nd Amendment. You'll never get my AR's. Peace
ROBERT L
Moderator
- May 2, 2021
- 4,762
- 3,562
Sausage450r
Well-known member
- May 5, 2021
- 1,729
- 2,024
2:15 from when crowd first saw shooter and started shouting gun before first shot and secret service didn't react. Incompetence cant even explain that. AND every news outlet already had their marching orders to downplay what happened. This was absolutely planned
dbart
Well-known member
- May 5, 2021
- 2,708
- 3,317
Some heads need to ROLL!!!!
Rorschach
Well-known member
- May 6, 2021
- 751
- 697
I think that might be fake. While I don't doubt that it's a possibility. I read somewhere that this was originally posted to 4chan
Last edited by a moderator:
dbart
Well-known member
- May 5, 2021
- 2,708
- 3,317
Even still with all the people yelling about the guy climbing on the roof with a gun and nothing being done. Why wasn't Trump rushed off stage if there was a threat near by???
It really seems fishy!
:dunno:
Realbadlarry
Well-known member
- May 6, 2021
- 2,003
- 2,419
Yes, not true.... Counter Sniper teams generally have the green light from word go.....and I doubt a cop would do that....How did he see him on the shadow side of the peak? does he have Xray eyes.
Realbadlarry
Well-known member
- May 6, 2021
- 2,003
- 2,419
People were yelling there was a guy on the roof, but from what I've seen they were OUTSIDE the venue so local pd was in charge and trying to get someone on the roof to check it out...when he got there, he got a face full of 556....backed off and called it in the same time the guy started shooting and he got dumped by snipers. They were already looking over there due to the crowd alerts, but yes, it's likely SS should have taken Trump off as soon as gun was mentioned.....but then that becomes the libs rally cry at trumps rallys
Rorschach
Well-known member
- May 6, 2021
- 751
- 697
Yup. In the TikTok above it looks like the dude had just got up on the roof and was still trying to get in position rolling himself over, moving over the ribs on the roof panels and he still had a ways to go to belly crawl to the peak of the pitch in the roof where he fired from. More than enough time to neutralize him.
Cookie
Well-known member
- May 5, 2021
- 1,687
- 1,886
whether or not the SS shot the guy first, they should have pulled Trump off stage immediately. That is what is fishy to me.
Rorschach
Well-known member
- May 6, 2021
- 751
- 697
It was only 130 yards away. Seems like SS would have had a larger perimeter staked out than they did. Or at least the way those buildings were situated nearby there should have been more security there. I'm no security expert but other than some small wooded areas nearby that looks like a perfect opportunity for a perp to me. Maybe they're shorthanded because Bidens department of homeland security trying to take SS away from Trump all together.
Rockwood
Well-known member
- May 5, 2021
- 5,031
- 6,403
Written by Matt Taibbi, who's been "forced to defend Trump" (his words) because while he dislikes the man, he loves this country and is afraid of what's been ongoing for nearly a decade surrounding this man.
The Slow-Motion Assassination
Self-described guardians of democracy spent years creating a lethal atmosphere around Donald Trump
MATT TAIBBI
JUL 14
Before the attempt on Donald Trump’s life, while questions raged about the health of President Joe Biden, officials downplayed the importance of the physical leader. White House spokesperson Karine Jean-Pierre told reporters to look at the administration, not the man. “What we are saying,” she said, “is there are results, his record.” As my podcast partner Walter Kirn wrote, we were “being introduced to the idea that the presidency is a diffuse impersonal ‘office,’ and the bucks stops nowhere that is… conventionally identifiable.”
But we live in a physical world, and individuals still matter. Official actions betray this more than anything else. When a populist movement built on frustration over decades of misrule began having electoral success, they created a legend that the backlash was irrational and the fault of one Donald Trump, building him into a figure of colossal art, a super-Hitler. It became cliché that he was the embodiment of all evil and needed to be stopped “at all costs.” By late last year, mainstream press organizations were saying legal means had failed, and more or less openly calling for a truly final solution to the Trump problem.
Now he’s been shot, in an incident that’s left two dead. We don’t exactly know why yet. We barely know the “who,” as stories about slain 20-year-old suspect Thomas Matthew Crooks are citing investigations into “whether the shooter had accomplices,” as NBC put it. New York Times analysts say the gunman fired eight shots. That’s a lot of rage, and even if we don’t know its direct source, it can’t have been much lower than what was already in the air around Trump. He and his supporters have been dehumanized as part of an induced collective madness that’s a bigger crime than the coverup of Biden’s incapacity:
After the 2016 election, Trump began to be described as a new kind of American villain, someone not quite entitled to normal rights — the political equivalent of an “enemy combatant.” Weeks after inauguration, California congresswoman Maxine Waters blithely said Trump was guilty of “sex actions” and “collusion” described in the Steele dossier, and as for evidence, “We just have to… do the investigation and find it”:
Waters has always been on the edge of the credibility spectrum, but this chucking of the presumption of innocence raised few eyebrows, for that new reason: Because Trump. Fellow Californian Adam Schiff, held hearings on the Steele accusations without even attempting to verify them. There were widespread hysterical accusations of a capital crime — TREASON — after an anodyne meeting with Vladimir Putin in Helsinki. The office of Trump’s lawyer was raided on a dubious pretext (leading to this year’s criminal prosecution), news that the FBI deployed informants in Trump’s 2016 campaign drew yawns, and no one fretted over lunatic character attacks on former Trump aide Carter Page, or the jailing of figures like George Papadopoulos who committed no real crime. Even Schiff’s attempt to resurrect the McCarthyite concept of “disloyalty to country” as a means of unseating Trump was received politely by media arbiters like Chuck Todd.
Most of the early madness surrounding Trump expressed itself as religious worship of special prosecutor Robert Mueller and his investigation. Solemn readings of the Mueller report by actors like John Lithgow and Annette Bening really happened. The failure of that Great Deliverance to come to pass seems to be when officials shifted their tone toward the current posture that Trump needs to be stopped “at all costs.”
In retrospect the Mueller probe was the beginning of a slow-motion assassination, in which every cell of Trump’s person was systematically attacked, sometimes for show, sometimes for real political effect. As documented over the years Trump opponents went after all his constitutional rights, almost in order: censored, surveilled, unreasonably searched, dealt excessive fines, etc. This dragged people like me, Glenn Greenwald, and others to his defense, on the grounds that this was an attack on the rights of all people, but in hindsight it was deeper than that.
The physical suppression of Trump at some point became a psychological imperative for his political enemies, who first wanted him out of office, then out of sight, then deprived of counsel, barred from the ballot, bankrupted, and finally jailed (on the grounds of being a “triple national security threat”). Panic set in when that all failed. There have been many revealing moments, like a conference in Sun Valley, Idaho just last week in which PayPal mogul Reid Hoffman had a tense exchange with former friend Peter Thiel, who suggested Hoffman and his friends already erred once in making Trump a martyr, and were fulfilling the classic definition of insanity by doing it again and expecting different results. As reported in Puck News (more or less correctly, according to multiple sources), Hoffman grumbled, “Yeah, I wish I’d made him an actual martyr.”
The theme for eight years has been the derangement of the self-described patriotic insiders who planned Trump’s ouster. I thought a lot last night about CIA Director John Brennan, who knew what he was saying in early 2019 when he predicted (incorrectly, as it turned out), that indictments by Mueller were coming on the “ides of March.” Four years later Robert Kagan, husband of security state heavy Victoria Nuland, published a gigantic screed in the Washington Post comparing Trump to Julius Caesar, adding that indicting Trump “will prove akin to indicting Caesar for crossing the Rubicon, and just as effective.” Racket readers already know my feelings about Kagan’s 6000-word opus — he was begging a Hinckley to take action — but it’s worth remembering how blunt his rhetoric was. Kagan described Trump as a deadly meteor headed for earth, which needed stopping by every “conceivable” means:
The film adaptation of Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar begins with a quote from Plutarch’s Lives about Caesar, saying that he “became odious to moderate men through the extravagance of the titles and powers that were heaped upon him.” Odious to “moderate” men, who as Shakespeare showed became more and more immoderate as conspiracy unfolded, finally becoming the vicious murderers they feared Caesar’s guard would be. Conspirators were shocked that the murder of Caesar didn’t win them public approval, and never grasped where they erred.
None of this is to say yesterday’s attack was any kind of elite plot, but rather to point out that we already arrived at this place in the logic of Trump’s political opposition. The wealthy men who plotted against Caesar had the same sneering, incomprehending detestation of the man on the street (Shakespeare had Marullus deliver the “deplorable” line: “You blocks, you stones, you worse than senseless things”), and their joyless sense of entitlement and superiority is so much like that of our current bunch, one has to wonder if it’s a historical constant.
They don’t seem to have a way of connecting with the public except through insults, policy grandstanding (Bennie Thompson’s DISGRACED bill proposing the denial of secret service protection for felons stands out) or commands. When commands and lies fail, they issue more. Nothing is admitted, even to themselves. Even as I type this, commenters are on air somewhere, blaming Trump for his own attempted assassination. The Atlantic already has an article by David Frum out describing Trump and his would-be assassin as “joined together” from opposite ends of a bullet; CNN tore into Trump’s raised-fist reaction seconds after being shot as “not the message we want to be sending now.” Old lies and new are being hurled into the ether:
The most important story in the world today revolves around the countless still-unanswered who, what, where, when, and why questions about the shooting. I wish I were in a position to add anything on that front today (I should be, starting tomorrow). In the interim we should probably all steel ourselves for what will surely be the Mother of All Propaganda Onslaughts. To say this is a critical moment in American history is an understatement. Everything is on the line, which means no lie will be out of bounds, no move too treacherous to try. Madness incarnate, and nowhere near over.
The Slow-Motion Assassination
Self-described guardians of democracy spent years creating a lethal atmosphere around Donald Trump
MATT TAIBBI
JUL 14
Before the attempt on Donald Trump’s life, while questions raged about the health of President Joe Biden, officials downplayed the importance of the physical leader. White House spokesperson Karine Jean-Pierre told reporters to look at the administration, not the man. “What we are saying,” she said, “is there are results, his record.” As my podcast partner Walter Kirn wrote, we were “being introduced to the idea that the presidency is a diffuse impersonal ‘office,’ and the bucks stops nowhere that is… conventionally identifiable.”
But we live in a physical world, and individuals still matter. Official actions betray this more than anything else. When a populist movement built on frustration over decades of misrule began having electoral success, they created a legend that the backlash was irrational and the fault of one Donald Trump, building him into a figure of colossal art, a super-Hitler. It became cliché that he was the embodiment of all evil and needed to be stopped “at all costs.” By late last year, mainstream press organizations were saying legal means had failed, and more or less openly calling for a truly final solution to the Trump problem.
Now he’s been shot, in an incident that’s left two dead. We don’t exactly know why yet. We barely know the “who,” as stories about slain 20-year-old suspect Thomas Matthew Crooks are citing investigations into “whether the shooter had accomplices,” as NBC put it. New York Times analysts say the gunman fired eight shots. That’s a lot of rage, and even if we don’t know its direct source, it can’t have been much lower than what was already in the air around Trump. He and his supporters have been dehumanized as part of an induced collective madness that’s a bigger crime than the coverup of Biden’s incapacity:
After the 2016 election, Trump began to be described as a new kind of American villain, someone not quite entitled to normal rights — the political equivalent of an “enemy combatant.” Weeks after inauguration, California congresswoman Maxine Waters blithely said Trump was guilty of “sex actions” and “collusion” described in the Steele dossier, and as for evidence, “We just have to… do the investigation and find it”:
Waters has always been on the edge of the credibility spectrum, but this chucking of the presumption of innocence raised few eyebrows, for that new reason: Because Trump. Fellow Californian Adam Schiff, held hearings on the Steele accusations without even attempting to verify them. There were widespread hysterical accusations of a capital crime — TREASON — after an anodyne meeting with Vladimir Putin in Helsinki. The office of Trump’s lawyer was raided on a dubious pretext (leading to this year’s criminal prosecution), news that the FBI deployed informants in Trump’s 2016 campaign drew yawns, and no one fretted over lunatic character attacks on former Trump aide Carter Page, or the jailing of figures like George Papadopoulos who committed no real crime. Even Schiff’s attempt to resurrect the McCarthyite concept of “disloyalty to country” as a means of unseating Trump was received politely by media arbiters like Chuck Todd.
Most of the early madness surrounding Trump expressed itself as religious worship of special prosecutor Robert Mueller and his investigation. Solemn readings of the Mueller report by actors like John Lithgow and Annette Bening really happened. The failure of that Great Deliverance to come to pass seems to be when officials shifted their tone toward the current posture that Trump needs to be stopped “at all costs.”
In retrospect the Mueller probe was the beginning of a slow-motion assassination, in which every cell of Trump’s person was systematically attacked, sometimes for show, sometimes for real political effect. As documented over the years Trump opponents went after all his constitutional rights, almost in order: censored, surveilled, unreasonably searched, dealt excessive fines, etc. This dragged people like me, Glenn Greenwald, and others to his defense, on the grounds that this was an attack on the rights of all people, but in hindsight it was deeper than that.
The physical suppression of Trump at some point became a psychological imperative for his political enemies, who first wanted him out of office, then out of sight, then deprived of counsel, barred from the ballot, bankrupted, and finally jailed (on the grounds of being a “triple national security threat”). Panic set in when that all failed. There have been many revealing moments, like a conference in Sun Valley, Idaho just last week in which PayPal mogul Reid Hoffman had a tense exchange with former friend Peter Thiel, who suggested Hoffman and his friends already erred once in making Trump a martyr, and were fulfilling the classic definition of insanity by doing it again and expecting different results. As reported in Puck News (more or less correctly, according to multiple sources), Hoffman grumbled, “Yeah, I wish I’d made him an actual martyr.”
The theme for eight years has been the derangement of the self-described patriotic insiders who planned Trump’s ouster. I thought a lot last night about CIA Director John Brennan, who knew what he was saying in early 2019 when he predicted (incorrectly, as it turned out), that indictments by Mueller were coming on the “ides of March.” Four years later Robert Kagan, husband of security state heavy Victoria Nuland, published a gigantic screed in the Washington Post comparing Trump to Julius Caesar, adding that indicting Trump “will prove akin to indicting Caesar for crossing the Rubicon, and just as effective.” Racket readers already know my feelings about Kagan’s 6000-word opus — he was begging a Hinckley to take action — but it’s worth remembering how blunt his rhetoric was. Kagan described Trump as a deadly meteor headed for earth, which needed stopping by every “conceivable” means:
The film adaptation of Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar begins with a quote from Plutarch’s Lives about Caesar, saying that he “became odious to moderate men through the extravagance of the titles and powers that were heaped upon him.” Odious to “moderate” men, who as Shakespeare showed became more and more immoderate as conspiracy unfolded, finally becoming the vicious murderers they feared Caesar’s guard would be. Conspirators were shocked that the murder of Caesar didn’t win them public approval, and never grasped where they erred.
None of this is to say yesterday’s attack was any kind of elite plot, but rather to point out that we already arrived at this place in the logic of Trump’s political opposition. The wealthy men who plotted against Caesar had the same sneering, incomprehending detestation of the man on the street (Shakespeare had Marullus deliver the “deplorable” line: “You blocks, you stones, you worse than senseless things”), and their joyless sense of entitlement and superiority is so much like that of our current bunch, one has to wonder if it’s a historical constant.
They don’t seem to have a way of connecting with the public except through insults, policy grandstanding (Bennie Thompson’s DISGRACED bill proposing the denial of secret service protection for felons stands out) or commands. When commands and lies fail, they issue more. Nothing is admitted, even to themselves. Even as I type this, commenters are on air somewhere, blaming Trump for his own attempted assassination. The Atlantic already has an article by David Frum out describing Trump and his would-be assassin as “joined together” from opposite ends of a bullet; CNN tore into Trump’s raised-fist reaction seconds after being shot as “not the message we want to be sending now.” Old lies and new are being hurled into the ether:
The most important story in the world today revolves around the countless still-unanswered who, what, where, when, and why questions about the shooting. I wish I were in a position to add anything on that front today (I should be, starting tomorrow). In the interim we should probably all steel ourselves for what will surely be the Mother of All Propaganda Onslaughts. To say this is a critical moment in American history is an understatement. Everything is on the line, which means no lie will be out of bounds, no move too treacherous to try. Madness incarnate, and nowhere near over.
Last edited by a moderator:
Rorschach
Well-known member
- May 6, 2021
- 751
- 697
No doubt about that. They waited for actual gunfire before they did anything. Seems like waiting that long put SS at more risk too
Rockwood
Well-known member
- May 5, 2021
- 5,031
- 6,403
There was no reason to maintain line of sight from those buildings in the first place. There should've been some sort of barrier to prevent anyone from seeing the lectern from there.
MWB
Well-known member
- May 3, 2021
- 2,672
- 2,600
Former Presidents don't get the same size detail as the sitting POTUS. Under normal circumstances he wouldn't get the Candidate bump in security until the convention starts.
The SS was counting on Local LE to have that building secured, There will be an investigation and I can see at least two local cops careers ending/ stalling out as well as the SS agent in charge not having much of a future.
What we won't see is what Trump will do for the families of those lost or injured by the assassin. It won't be reported because he will not have it known that he helped them out. Well unless he does something stupid like claiming it as a campaign expense.
Trump has the rug in his hands and can pull it out on the Dems right now all he has to do is keep his calm and not sound crazy to the undecided voter for the next week or so
LegitDuner
Well-known member
- May 5, 2021
- 1,689
- 2,111
I was thinking about this the other night. He has two ways he can handle this. He can open his big mouth and gloat, blame people, talk about conspiracies, etc or he can use it as a come together moment and be the bigger person which would absolutely blow everybody out of the water and secure his presidency.
I hope his family is talking sense into him.
